THE
CONCEPT OF A POLICE FORCE (or ‘service’ as many are now known), is
foreign to Papua New Guinea. But it’s fair to add that, until around 200
years ago, the idea was unknown in most parts of the world.
In Britain and Australia,
law and order was the responsibility of local armed militia units
theoretically answerable to local magistrates and government. In practice, this allowed local militia ‘colonels’, who may well also have been the local landowner and magistrate, a good deal of leeway in how law and order was maintained.
Sir Robert Peel, a British prime minister is generally credited with the inception of the concept of a modern police force.
In 1822 Peel set up a
committee to reorganise what was a group of watchmen and local
constables known as the ‘Bow Street Runners’ and create a centralised
organisation that became the London Metropolitan Police Force.
By 1829, the Metropolitan Police Bill saw the establishment of a force of 895 constables, 88 sergeants, 20 inspectors and eight superintendents who were responsible for six police districts in London.
The members of this force eventually became colloquially known as ‘Peelers’ or ‘Bobbies’ after Sir Robert. The name ‘Bobby’ stuck, and is still in use in Britain today.
In the USA (where the New York Police Department was founded in the 1840s), the police had shiny copper badges on their uniforms which gave rise to the slang word ‘Copper’ and derivatives such as ‘Cop’.
To understand the current Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary one must first go back to before its origins.
Until colonial times, traditional PNG village culture did not have anything like a role for a designated official whose duty it was to physically enforce the rules of society.
The traditional sanctions often centred on shaming and alienating those who didn’t conform. Laws and codes of conduct varied between societies and were maintained by village councils of mostly senior males.
Constant reminders about the omnipresent spiritual world and retribution for those who breached custom also helped ensure clan members conformed to social and cultural expectations.
With the arrival of the Australian administration, previous controls within each clan and village had to cope with yet another level of control and sanction that had to be learned, adjusted to and actively followed, albeit possibly only when the need arose, e.g. when the Kiap arrived in the village on patrol.
An important aspect of traditional controls in PNG was that they were essentially proactive. If you followed clan law and appeased the spirit world, you had every expectation of not falling ill or of contracting disease.
A problem only arose if you might not be aware of something or someone who might be antagonistic towards you. If however something unexpected then happened to you, then you had every right to be personally reactive and try to extract what you saw as effective and justifiable retribution.
With the gradual enforcement of Pax Australiana, the rule of so called western law was imposed over PNG through the role of the Kiap and a loyal and trained police force. PNG people then perceived they had a dual set of laws to follow.
However, unless a major crime occurred, often people in rural areas might only see the Kiap every now and again. The day to day customary laws still had to be followed. Perhaps that situation started to give rise to the notion that Kiap and police law was only reactive and punitive in nature.
Originally, the RPNGC officer corps was staffed with expatriates who could be perceived at village level as being impartial due to their non PNG origins. Additionally, these officers were constantly moved between various outstations.
As independence approached, senior officer levels were gradually localised. As localisation continued, a potentially complicating factor arose, given regional loyalties and recognised ethnicity.
Papua New Guinean police officers could be perceived as being a member of an enemy clan. There have been reported instances where local police tried to use their position and authority to intimidate those from other regions.
Post PNG Independence, the interaction with the newly emerging political elite has often led to a confused state of senior command of the RPNGC. Political leaders, long expected to be good examples to be emulated, became subject to many claims of corruption and malfeance in office.
When police investigations resulted in charges being laid, political interference often led to acquittals or a lack of will to carry through with prosecution and conviction.
Over the last few years, PNG Police Commissioners seemed to come and go, often depending on whether they supported or were acceptable to the political leadership of the time.
Recently, there occurred a political impasse in which two politicians each claiming to be prime minister appointed different police commissioners. This led to conflict between police who tried to remain loyal to one PM and those supporting the other claimant.
Tense situations occurred when Special Response Team members flew to Port Moresby to push their champion’s claims only to be outnumbered when the majority government flew in more loyal police to support their government and their appointed Commissioner.
The gradual demise of police resources, manpower and especially prestige must have played heavily upon the minds of those police who saw their own careers and public standing being drastically eroded.
In addition, some officers and members of the RPNGC who dealt with people other than from their own clans may have felt they had to maintain control by the use of reactive and punitive measures.
The PNG Defence Force was historically part of the Australian Army and, as such, received a much greater resources than the police force. This aspect clearly rankled many police and has led in the past to direct conflict between the two armed services.
Proactive versus reactive policing
Sir Robert Peel’s views on policing included that ‘the police are the people and the people are the police’. He established a number of principles just as relevant today as they were 200 years ago. His first principle was the ‘basic mission for which police exist is to prevent crime and disorder.’
Police foot patrols or ‘beats’ were considered essential to combat crime. Peel maintained that in order for police to effectively perform their duties, they must have the willing cooperation of the public. To achieve this cooperation, police must have the respect of the public.
In a telling observation, Peel claimed: ‘The degree of co-operation of the public that can be secured diminishes proportionately to the necessity of the use of physical force to the extent necessary to secure observance of the law or to restore order only when the exercise of persuasion, advice and warning is found to be insufficient’.
One of the most important and basic changes in the life of the majority (85%) of Papua New Guineans who live in rural areas is the dearth of active patrolling and physical contact by police at the village level.
In addition, due to PNG having the lowest reported ratio of police to population in the Pacific area after a long period of under-resourcing, RPNGC activities have been gradually reduced to mostly reactive policing.
The often heard claim ‘nogat petrol’ (no petrol to drive to a crime scene), seems to sum up the situation to which that even reactive policing has descended to over the last few decades.
PNG’s prime minister Peter O’Neill and the current police minister Nixon Duban have recently announced a K267 million increase in funding of the Constabulary over the next five years.
While this is good news, it will take a considerable effort at all levels of the force to improve what has been years of under-resourcing, reduced and ageing personnel and low priority for the maintenance of facilities.
In addition, the attitude of some of today’s Constabulary may well need to be readjusted from what has become almost a hand to mouth existence. Illegal road blocks and other punitive activities do not endear police to the public, in whose name they are essentially supposed to help.
The road maps identified by Sir Robert Peel are still as relevant as they were 200 years when the foundations of today’s modern police forces were created.
Current claims that PNG is one of the most dangerous countries to visit could well be a thing of the past. It will however take a concerted effort by all levels of the Constabulary to bring the future changes everyone is now hoping for. - Source Keith Jackson.
By 1829, the Metropolitan Police Bill saw the establishment of a force of 895 constables, 88 sergeants, 20 inspectors and eight superintendents who were responsible for six police districts in London.
The members of this force eventually became colloquially known as ‘Peelers’ or ‘Bobbies’ after Sir Robert. The name ‘Bobby’ stuck, and is still in use in Britain today.
In the USA (where the New York Police Department was founded in the 1840s), the police had shiny copper badges on their uniforms which gave rise to the slang word ‘Copper’ and derivatives such as ‘Cop’.
To understand the current Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary one must first go back to before its origins.
Until colonial times, traditional PNG village culture did not have anything like a role for a designated official whose duty it was to physically enforce the rules of society.
The traditional sanctions often centred on shaming and alienating those who didn’t conform. Laws and codes of conduct varied between societies and were maintained by village councils of mostly senior males.
Constant reminders about the omnipresent spiritual world and retribution for those who breached custom also helped ensure clan members conformed to social and cultural expectations.
With the arrival of the Australian administration, previous controls within each clan and village had to cope with yet another level of control and sanction that had to be learned, adjusted to and actively followed, albeit possibly only when the need arose, e.g. when the Kiap arrived in the village on patrol.
An important aspect of traditional controls in PNG was that they were essentially proactive. If you followed clan law and appeased the spirit world, you had every expectation of not falling ill or of contracting disease.
A problem only arose if you might not be aware of something or someone who might be antagonistic towards you. If however something unexpected then happened to you, then you had every right to be personally reactive and try to extract what you saw as effective and justifiable retribution.
With the gradual enforcement of Pax Australiana, the rule of so called western law was imposed over PNG through the role of the Kiap and a loyal and trained police force. PNG people then perceived they had a dual set of laws to follow.
However, unless a major crime occurred, often people in rural areas might only see the Kiap every now and again. The day to day customary laws still had to be followed. Perhaps that situation started to give rise to the notion that Kiap and police law was only reactive and punitive in nature.
Originally, the RPNGC officer corps was staffed with expatriates who could be perceived at village level as being impartial due to their non PNG origins. Additionally, these officers were constantly moved between various outstations.
As independence approached, senior officer levels were gradually localised. As localisation continued, a potentially complicating factor arose, given regional loyalties and recognised ethnicity.
Papua New Guinean police officers could be perceived as being a member of an enemy clan. There have been reported instances where local police tried to use their position and authority to intimidate those from other regions.
Post PNG Independence, the interaction with the newly emerging political elite has often led to a confused state of senior command of the RPNGC. Political leaders, long expected to be good examples to be emulated, became subject to many claims of corruption and malfeance in office.
When police investigations resulted in charges being laid, political interference often led to acquittals or a lack of will to carry through with prosecution and conviction.
Over the last few years, PNG Police Commissioners seemed to come and go, often depending on whether they supported or were acceptable to the political leadership of the time.
Recently, there occurred a political impasse in which two politicians each claiming to be prime minister appointed different police commissioners. This led to conflict between police who tried to remain loyal to one PM and those supporting the other claimant.
Tense situations occurred when Special Response Team members flew to Port Moresby to push their champion’s claims only to be outnumbered when the majority government flew in more loyal police to support their government and their appointed Commissioner.
The gradual demise of police resources, manpower and especially prestige must have played heavily upon the minds of those police who saw their own careers and public standing being drastically eroded.
In addition, some officers and members of the RPNGC who dealt with people other than from their own clans may have felt they had to maintain control by the use of reactive and punitive measures.
The PNG Defence Force was historically part of the Australian Army and, as such, received a much greater resources than the police force. This aspect clearly rankled many police and has led in the past to direct conflict between the two armed services.
Proactive versus reactive policing
Sir Robert Peel’s views on policing included that ‘the police are the people and the people are the police’. He established a number of principles just as relevant today as they were 200 years ago. His first principle was the ‘basic mission for which police exist is to prevent crime and disorder.’
Police foot patrols or ‘beats’ were considered essential to combat crime. Peel maintained that in order for police to effectively perform their duties, they must have the willing cooperation of the public. To achieve this cooperation, police must have the respect of the public.
In a telling observation, Peel claimed: ‘The degree of co-operation of the public that can be secured diminishes proportionately to the necessity of the use of physical force to the extent necessary to secure observance of the law or to restore order only when the exercise of persuasion, advice and warning is found to be insufficient’.
One of the most important and basic changes in the life of the majority (85%) of Papua New Guineans who live in rural areas is the dearth of active patrolling and physical contact by police at the village level.
In addition, due to PNG having the lowest reported ratio of police to population in the Pacific area after a long period of under-resourcing, RPNGC activities have been gradually reduced to mostly reactive policing.
The often heard claim ‘nogat petrol’ (no petrol to drive to a crime scene), seems to sum up the situation to which that even reactive policing has descended to over the last few decades.
PNG’s prime minister Peter O’Neill and the current police minister Nixon Duban have recently announced a K267 million increase in funding of the Constabulary over the next five years.
While this is good news, it will take a considerable effort at all levels of the force to improve what has been years of under-resourcing, reduced and ageing personnel and low priority for the maintenance of facilities.
In addition, the attitude of some of today’s Constabulary may well need to be readjusted from what has become almost a hand to mouth existence. Illegal road blocks and other punitive activities do not endear police to the public, in whose name they are essentially supposed to help.
The road maps identified by Sir Robert Peel are still as relevant as they were 200 years when the foundations of today’s modern police forces were created.
Current claims that PNG is one of the most dangerous countries to visit could well be a thing of the past. It will however take a concerted effort by all levels of the Constabulary to bring the future changes everyone is now hoping for. - Source Keith Jackson.
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